Researchers note that Japanese national identity has been shaped by the nihonjinron ideology, which defines the country as culturally unique and mono-ethnic, thus constituting a divide between Japan and the rest of the world. However, in the context of globalization, the Japanese government, following the global trend, has engaged in a national branding program called “Cool Japan,” which aims to attract foreigners and therefore differs in its message from nihonjinron. Previous research suggests that, in reality, Cool Japan is not so much in conflict with nihonjiron narratives, but rather inherits their rhetoric. However, little attention has been paid to how foreigners are represented within this program. Therefore, our research question is this: How is the interaction between the nation/national subjects and foreigners portrayed in the Cool Japan discourse, and what characteristics are attributed to both groups?
Through narrative analysis and critical discourse analysis, this study examines government-affiliated media: articles from the “Friends of Japan” section in a government magazine and episodes from the NHK documentary series “Japanology Plus.” The findings show that the analyzed materials reproduce the boundaries between Japanese people and foreigners, rearticulate Japan’s cultural uniqueness, and implicitly reinforce the narrative of mono-ethnicity. In “Friends of Japan,” foreigners are portrayed as enthusiasts of Japanese culture, expected to mediate between Japan and the world without being fully integrated. Similarly, in “Japanology Plus,” foreigners are depicted as “Japanophiles,” helping to bridge Japan and the world by sharing Japan’s uniqueness.
The position of foreigners in this discourse is ambivalent: they appear subordinate to Japanese nationals but are also seen as capable of revitalizing the country’s economy and are thus valued. This duality reflects Japan’s struggle to balance globalization with affirming national identity in the logic of nihonjinron, highlighting the challenges of integrating foreigners into Japanese society.
From an analysis of Russian, Israeli, Japanese, and various English-language sources, the authors conclude that this paper is one of the few studies on the topic of Japanese-Israeli relations in the field of Oriental studies. In particular, in Russian Oriental studies, this is the first article focusing on Japanese-Israeli relations. The authors aim not only to trace the dynamics of bilateral relations in socio-political and economic aspects but also to identify the reasons for their complex history. The study also explores potential future developments.
This goal has shaped the article’s structure. It includes a literature review, an examination of cooperation prerequisites, an analysis of political and economic components, and a conclusion.
The study’s analysis of historical factors, primarily the Japanese Empire’s attitude towards Jewry, reveals that no significant obstacles existed before diplomatic relations were established to hinder current bilateral and multilateral interaction. Moreover, Japan’s Prime Minister Abe Shinzō relied on positive past experiences to foster increased contacts between Tokyo and Jerusalem.
Economic considerations and dependence on external energy resources have played a crucial role in the political and diplomatic sphere for both states. This has led Japanese authorities to maintain a balanced course in the Middle East. Over time, the significance of this task has grown as Tokyo seeks to enhance its international status, particularly within the UN and its specialized agencies.
In the realm of economic cooperation, internal crises and differing economic models have hindered progress for a considerable period. However, the distinctive national economies and entrepreneurial cultures of Japan and Israel now present significant opportunities for collaboration.
The article focuses on the concept of foodscape, which is relatively new to the Russian academic community. In the theoretical and methodological part of the work, the authors deconstruct the term “foodscape,” identify the epistemological foundations and the conceptual roots of the concept. For the first time in world science, the concept of foodscape is compared with related semantic complexes in accordance with the theory of the “culinary triangle,” which was developed by C. Levi-Strauss. Using the method of scientific visualization and comparative analysis, a model of the taxonomic hierarchy of the foodscape is constructed, which symbolizes the symbiotic relationship between nature and culture, registered with the help of an innovative author’s classification – at the global, national, and local levels. The practical part of the article is devoted to the study of the transformation process of the foodscape of Japan, characterized by balancing between gastronomy and gastro-anomie. It is proved that, along with the import of foreign food products, which undermined the food self-sufficiency of the state, the patterns of the Euro-American civilization were imported, which modified the model of social behavior, ingrained eating habits, and age-old culinary foundations of Japanese society. As empirical evidence, the authors present and analyze successful marketing strategies of multinational corporations that focus on monetization of cultural and household rituals, commodification of traditions, and consumerization of ancient religious rituals. In addition, the authors reveal the powerful protectionist potential of the washoku as traditional food culture of Japan. It has been found that the washoku’s ideological module was flexibly converted by the modern Japanese government, both for domestic and foreign policy of the state. Nowadays, washoku is the institutional foundation for a specialized legislative act regulating the procedure of Re-McDonaldization of the population. Along with this, washoku is also an effective tool of soft gastronomic power and gastrodiplomacy, creating a charming image of Japan in the eye of the beholder (the international political community). In conclusion, the authors diagnose the dialectical nature of the process of Kawaii-fication of Japan’s foodscape, characterized by the charm of infantilism with a grain of salt – radical escapism and social maladjustment.
The article analyzes the Japanese official narrative about the “Northern Territories,” which is widespread in Japanese society and serves as a key factor in the formation of a bad image of Russia in Japan. Of particular importance from the point of view of the emotional effect on public consciousness are the theses that the Southern Kurils are the “ancestral territory of Japan,” that the USSR committed aggressive and unfair actions against Japan during World War II, and modern Russia did not correct them, and that the Japanese natives of the Southern Kurils experience enormous moral suffering, not having the opportunity to freely visit the graves of their ancestors. The article examines the organizational structure of state, public, and socio- political organizations designed to ensure public policy to popularize this narrative and shows the features of its reflection in school textbooks, museums, and memorial complexes. With the support of the authorities, the Movement for the Return of the “Northern Territories” has been launched, manifesting itself in mass rallies, demonstrations, propaganda caravans, lectures, and exhibitions, which are organized throughout the country. The author focuses special attention on such events as the “Northern Territories Day” held annually on February 7, as well as the collection of signatures calling for the return of the “Northern Territories,” which has been held since the early 1980s.
Japanese media coverage of the situation in Ukraine has significantly added negativity to the already rather gloomy image of Russia in Japan. In many reports, as well as in the reaction of the political authorities, one can sense a desire to link Russian actions in Ukraine with Russia’s policy regarding the border issue with Japan.
In conclusion, the author notes that, despite all the efforts of the government, Japanese public opinion turns out to be relatively poorly informed about the problem of the “Northern Territories.” At the same time, as the generations change, the interest towards this problem is gradually decreasing, especially among young people. Besides, there is a process of realizing the futility of maintaining a hard line in the government’s approach to solving it. The humanitarian aspect of the problem, related to visits to graves by former islanders and members of their families, causes the greatest public outcry, but even this aspect, as the results of public opinion polls show, has a limited effect.
In 2024, the medical community celebrates an important date – 130 years since the discovery of the causative agent of plague, which was independently isolated by the Japanese physician Kitasato Shibasaburō (1853–1931) and the French physician Alexandre Yersin (1863–1943). Although the former had done so a few days earlier, as a result of misunderstanding and forgery, the honor of the discovery was given to A. Yersin, and the genus to which the bacterium is assigned is named in his honor. As it happened, Kitasato is almost unknown in European science, and some of his achievements are attributed to other researchers. In this article, for the first time in the Russian-language scientific literature, his life and achievements are discussed in detail. The outstanding physician isolated a pure culture of Clostridium tetani, was the first in the world to propose serum therapy, isolated Yersinia pestis, educated a galaxy of outstanding physicians and was one of the founders of modern Japanese public health (state sanitary and epidemiological supervision), preventing the establishment of plague in the Japanese islands. His services to Japanese and world medicine are truly immense. No less interesting is his posthumous veneration in Shinto, which was combined with the veneration of the German physician Robert Koch (1843–1910), a teacher and senior friend of Kitasato Shibasaburō. The deification of scientists is an extraordinary practice and represents a significant cultural phenomenon. It should be noted, however, that the cult of Koch-Kitasato is local and actually confined to the Kitasato Institute, where scholars are honored as patrons of the Institute. Interestingly, the other discoverer of the plague microbe, Alexandre Yersin, is deified within Vietnamese Mahayana Buddhism and as a god-patron (thành hoàng) within Vietnamese folk religion, which paradoxically unites the posthumous fate of these scientists.
The article considers the Japanese system of municipal solid waste management as well as work with the population in the field of environmental education. The roles and responsibilities of the parties in the management of municipal solid waste are analyzed. In Japan, unlike other countries, the state is deeply involved in the process. Sorting and disposal of waste occur at the municipal level due to the historical characteristics of the Japanese society. Extended producer responsibility requires their participation from product development to disposal, and consumers are required to cooperate with them and local authorities by properly disposing solid waste.
The regulatory framework in the field of MSW management is built around the Basic Act on Establishing a Sound Material-Cycle Society and the Law for Promotion of Effective Utilization of Resources, which formulates the 3R strategy, aimed at Reducing, Reusing, and Recycling of waste. An analysis of recently adopted documents, the Plastic Resource Circulation Act of 2021 in particular, demonstrates that special emphasis is placed on 2R: waste reduction and reuse, which is successfully achieved thanks to the high level of environmental awareness of Japanese citizens and thoughtful and multifaceted educational work with the population.
Over the past decade, Japan has seen a steady reduction of municipal solid waste. However, while remaining one of the world leaders in the field, it is currently faced with a number of difficulties, such as a low recycling rate and a significant volume of incinerated waste. It is concluded that significant progress in this area is impossible without clearer goal setting for the volume of solid waste processing that would meet modern world standards.
In May 2022, Yoon Suk Yeol, representing conservative political forces, became the President of the Republic of Korea (ROK, South Korea). He advocated the speedy normalization of relations with Japan, giving priority to pragmatic cooperation between the two countries. The conservative ruling circles in South Korea are focused on developing and deepening cooperation with the countries of the collective West, including Japan, which share the values of liberal democracy. President Yoon considers Japan a “partner” with whom it is possible to counter common threats, in particular North Korea (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, DPRK). His administration aims at the extended deterrence of its northern neighbor, the implementation of which recognizes the role of Japan within the trilateral format of cooperation between the ROK, the United States, and Japan. On the other hand, Yoon’s administration emphasizes its intention to develop future-oriented relations with Tokyo, expressing its readiness not to raise controversial issues of the historical past. However, the issue of assessing the colonial past of the ROK as well as ones of building relations with Japan are an extremely sensitive matter in South Korean domestic political life. In this regard, it is relevant to trace the influence of domestic politics on the ROK’s course towards Japan.
The article shows that Yoon Suk Yeol’s Japanese policy is part of the internal struggle for the formation of historical memory, while the opposition of conservative forces to the discourse of progressives also serves the purpose of legitimizing the political course of the current administration towards Japan. According to the authors, the propaganda-historical narrative of President Yoon indicates an attempt to move away from anti- Japanese sentiment as a key element of the South Korean ideology. The authors examine the key characteristics of the Japanese discourse of President Yoon Suk Yeol, as well as the reasons that determined his policy of normalizing and strengthening relations with Tokyo. In conclusion, assessments are presented regarding the prospects for Yoon’s pro-Japanese course and relations between Seoul and Tokyo, including in light of the results of the parliamentary elections that took place in the ROK on April 10, 2024.
This article offers a narrative analysis of Japan’s strategy for fostering economic growth through the establishment and advancement of clusters, defined as geographically concentrated groups of companies and organizations operating within related industries. While cluster policy was actively pursued in Japan from 2000 to 2010, its implementation was subsequently discontinued. However, this cessation did not signify a failure of the policy or a rejection of supporting clusters through alternative means. Furthermore, the implementation of cluster measures yielded valuable insights applicable to numerous transition and developing countries. Following the introduction, the article provides an overview of key concepts from economic-geographical theory, which characterize clusters as pivotal tools for innovative development. The subsequent segment delves into the characteristics of traditional industrial concentration zones in Japan, which share similarities with analogous formations in England and Italy outlined in early cluster studies. The third part scrutinizes existing clusters and cluster policy in Japan, including the selection of target industries and support measures. It identifies the factors contributing to the success of Japanese cluster policy as well as the limitations it faced during the global financial crisis of 2007–2008, the installation of the opposition Democratic government in 2009–2012, and the 2011 disaster alongside subsequent budget constraints. The fourth section elucidates the contemporary approach to fostering the innovation process within a regional context, known as the “platform model,” and underscores the rationale for modifying the cluster approach. Consequently, the article underscores that many facets of Japan’s cluster policy hold relevance for countries and regions aspiring to utilize the cluster method as a means of promoting innovative economic growth. Specifically, Japan’s experience in stimulating territorial concentration, fostering vertical cooperation among agro-industrial enterprises, establishing cluster management organizations, and transitioning from a narrow cluster to a broader “platform” policy for cultivating regional innovation ecosystems may offer valuable insights for post-Soviet states.
