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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">japanjournal</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Японские исследования</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Japanese Studies in Russia</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="epub">2500-2872</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Association of Japanologists; Institute of China and Modern Asia of the Russian Academy of Sciences</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.24411/2500-2872-2018-10027</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">japanjournal-210</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>Статьи</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Политическая коррупция в Японии в период «системы 1955 года»</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Political corruption in Japan during the “1955 system”</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Стрельцов</surname><given-names>Дмитрий Викторович</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Streltsov</surname><given-names>Dmitry V.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><email xlink:type="simple">dmstrl@gmail.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>МГИМО МИД России; Институт востоковедения РАН</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO University); Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2018</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>16</day><month>02</month><year>2022</year></pub-date><volume>0</volume><issue>4</issue><fpage>44</fpage><lpage>59</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Стрельцов Д.В., 2022</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2022</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Стрельцов Д.В.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Streltsov D.V.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.japanjournal.ru/jour/article/view/210">https://www.japanjournal.ru/jour/article/view/210</self-uri><abstract><p>Феномен политической коррупции в Японии в период «системы 1955 года» проявлялся в том, что значительная часть финансовых потоков в политическую сферу, обеспечивавших функционирование системы однопартийного правления ЛДП, носила теневой характер и противоречила духу закона о регулировании политических фондов и закона о выборах общественных должностных лиц. Парламентариям от ЛДП было крайне сложно или практически невозможно обеспечить функционирование своей «политической машины» без поиска и получения колоссальных денежных средств, поэтому значительную их часть приходилось получать из сомнительных источников. В результате время от времени происходили скандалы (дело «Локхид», дело «Рикруто», дело «Сагава Кюбин»), свидетельствовавшие об огромном масштабе нарушений политиками этих норм и ограничений, а также о регулярных злоупотреблениях ими своими политическими фондами. При этом особенность законодательной среды заключалась в том, что регулирование политических фондов было существенно более жёстким в отношении политических партий, чем прочих организаций, вовлечённых в политическую деятельность, включая фракции и личные политические структуры отдельных политиков. Антикоррупционные законы были по содержанию крайне расплывчатыми и имели множество лазеек, позволявших легко уклоняться от них. Они стали эффективным инструментом против коррупции только после проведения в 1994 г. радикальной политической реформы. Свою роль в распространении коррупции в политической среде сыграли также особенности национальной психологии, в частности, терпимость общественного мнения к умеренным проявлениям коррупции и готовность простить виновных, если те проявляют внешние признаки раскаянья. Кроме того, значимым был и фактор слабости и раздробленности оппозиции, который не позволял политическим скандалам иметь крупные и болезненные для ЛДП последствия. Многое правящей партии сходило с рук потому, что оппозиционные партии не представляли для избирателей реальной альтернативы власти ЛДП, а их лидеры также оказывались вовлечёнными в коррупционные скандалы.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The phenomenon of political corruption in Japan during the “1955 system” manifested itself in the shady nature of most financial flows ensuring the functioning of the system of one-party rule by the LDP. This shady system of financing essentially contradicted the spirit of the Political Funds Control Law and the Public Offices Election Law. It was almost impossible for the LDP MPs to ensure the functioning of their “political machines” without acquiring extraordinarily large monetary funds, so a significant part of them had to be obtained from dubious sources. As a result, political scandals erupted in Japan from time to time (the Lockheed scandal, the Recruit scandal, the Sagawa Kyubin scandal), revealing the enormous scale of violations of these norms and restrictions by politicians, as well as their regular abuse of political funds. At the same time, legal regulation of political funds was significantly more stringent regarding political parties, as compared to other organizations involved in political activities, including LDP factions and personal political structures maintained by individual politicians. Anticorruption laws were extremely vague in content and had many loopholes making it easy to evade them. They became an effective tool against corruption only after the radical political reform of 1994. The ethno-psychological peculiarities of the Japanese people also played a certain role in the spread of political corruption. In particular, it was the public opinion’s tolerance for moderate manifestations of corruption and the willingness to forgive those responsible if they show external signs of repentance. In addition, the weakness and fragmentation of the opposition, which prevented political scandals from having large-scale and painful consequences for the LDP, was a significant factor as well. The LDP got away with a lot of things because the opposition parties did not provide the voters with a real political alternative, and because their leaders were also involved in corruption scandals.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>политическая коррупция</kwd><kwd>«система 1955 года»</kwd><kwd>Либерально-демократическая партия</kwd><kwd>закон о регулировании деятельности политических фондов</kwd><kwd>политические скандалы</kwd><kwd>дело «Рикруто»</kwd><kwd>политическая реформа</kwd><kwd>political corruption</kwd><kwd>the “1955 system”</kwd><kwd>the Liberal Democratic Party</kwd><kwd>Political Funds Control Law</kwd><kwd>political scandals</kwd><kwd>the Recruit scandal</kwd><kwd>political reform</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Макаров А.А. Политическая власть в Японии. 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